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Mayor Lovely Warren's Husband Face Federal Conspiracy, Jason Siplin Jr. No Criminal History;

The investigation that includes the husband of Mayor Lovely Warren, Timothy Granison, is now a federal conspiracy case. Monday, federal prosecutors announced that Granison, Jason Siplin Sr., Jason Siplin Jr., and others are facing conspiracy charges with intent to distribute at least 280 grams or more of cocaine base and at least 500 grams or more of cocaine. Transcriptions of conversations and confessions were released to media and distributed across social media.

The charges stem from an investigation District Attorney Sandra Doorley's office started over seven months ago. During a news conference, Doorley stated that Granison was not the primary target. She claimed he was introduced four months into the investigation. So, why has the case transferred to federal court if Doorley's office conducted the investigation? Some believe it is due to the federal court having stiffer penalties and higher conviction rates, unlike the state. Mandatory minimums ensure longer prison sentences for crimes that would only amount to probation or a few years behind bars. Unfortunately, mandatory minimums are a disservice to young men like Jason Siplin Jr., a graduate of Aquinas Institute of Rochester and former student of Alfred State College. The younger Siplin does not have a criminal history. However, under federal law, he could face a similar sentence as a career criminal. A so-called confession circulating across social media could be out of fear of his father, Jason Siplin Sr., and the possibility of being labeled a snitch.

Whatever the circumstances may be, the war on Black men who commit similar crimes to their White counterparts often ends more severely. According to, African Americans are more likely than white Americans to be arrested; once arrested, they are more likely to be convicted; and once convicted, and they are more likely to experience lengthy prison sentences. African-American adults are 5.9 times as likely to be incarcerated than whites and Hispanics are 3.1 times as likely. 4) As of 2001, one of every three black boys born in that year could expect to go to prison in his lifetime, as could one of every six Latinos—compared to one of every seventeen white boys.5) Racial and ethnic disparities among women are less substantial than among men but remain prevalent.6)

The source of such disparities is deeper and more systemic than explicit racial discrimination. The United States in effect operates two distinct criminal justice systems: one for wealthy people and another for poor people and people of color. The wealthy can access a vigorous adversary system replete with constitutional protections for defendants. Yet the experiences of poor and minority defendants within the criminal justice system often differ substantially from that model due to a number of factors, each of which contributes to the overrepresentation of such individuals in the system. As former Georgetown Law Professor David Cole states in his book No Equal Justice,

These double standards are not, of course, explicit; on the face of it, the criminal law is color-blind and class-blind. But in a sense, this only makes the problem worse. The rhetoric of the criminal justice system sends the message that our society carefully protects everyone’s constitutional rights, but in practice the rules assure that law enforcement prerogatives will generally prevail over the rights of minorities and the poor. By affording criminal suspects substantial constitutional rights in theory, the Supreme Court validates the results of the criminal justice system as fair. That formal fairness obscures the systemic concerns that ought to be raised by the fact that the prison population is overwhelmingly poor and disproportionately black.7).

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